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This paper examines the implications for national savings of three retirement income policy options, designed to improve the fiscal sustainability of New Zealand Superannuation (NZS). A simple model is developed that employs population and longevity projections allowing estimation of the contributions that many overlapping age cohorts might make to national savings in response to policy change. Government contributions to national savings, resulting primarily from reduced NZS payments, are also considered. Results suggest that even seemingly modest changes to retirement income policies could lead to substantial cumulative changes in national savings by 2061.

With its emphasis on emerging and cutting-edge debates in the study of comparative constitutional law and politics, its suitability for both research and teaching use, and its distinguished and diverse cast of contributors, this handbook is a must-have for scholars and instructors alike. This versatile volume combines the depth and rigor of a scholarly reference work with features for teaching in law and social science courses. Its interdisciplinary case-study approach provides political and historical as well as legal context: each modular chapter offers an overview of a topic and a jurisdiction, followed by a case study that simultaneously contextualizes both. Its forward-looking and highly diverse selection of topics and jurisdictions fills gaps in the literature on the Global South as well as the West. A timely section on challenges to liberal constitutional democracy addresses pressing concerns about democratic backsliding and illiberal and/or authoritarian regimes.

An in-depth study of Kierkegaard's thinking on Christology, emphasising the radical nature of his approach to the incarnation, with an emphasis on the call of the Christian believer to a life of 'kenotic' (self-emptying) discipleship in imitation of Christ.--

The global appeal of liberal constitutional democracy—defined as a competitive multiparty system combined with governance within constitutional limits—cannot be taken for granted due to the existence of competing forms of government that appear successful along a number of practical dimensions and consequently enjoy high levels of public acceptance. Proponents of liberal constitutional democracy must be prepared to explain and defend its capacity to satisfy first-order political needs. A system of government is unlikely to command popular acceptance unless it can plausibly claim to address the problems of oppression, tribalism, and physical and economic security. Along these dimensions, the advantages of liberal constitutional democracy over the alternatives of social democracy of the type seen in Scandinavia, and bureaucratic authoritarianism of the type seen in parts of Asia, are not self-evident. Within Asia alone, functional alternatives to liberal constitutional democracy run the gamut from illiberal nondemocracy in China, to liberal one-party rule in Japan, to illiberal constitutional democracy in Singapore, to liberal constitutional nondemocracy in Hong Kong, to hereditary monarchy in Bhutan. ; El atractivo global de la democracia constitucional liberal –definida como un sistema multipartidario competitivo con un gobierno con límites constitucionales– no puede tomarse por sentado dada la existencia de la competencia de otras formas de gobierno que parecen exitosas en una serie de aspectos prácticos y como consecuencia gozan de altos niveles de aceptación. Los defensores de la democracia constitucional liberal deben estar preparados para explicar y defender la capacidad de este modelo para satisfacer las necesidades políticas de primer orden. Un sistema de gobierno no puede manejar aceptación popular a menos que asegure poder lidiar con los problemas de opresión, tribalismo y falta de seguridad física y económica. Considerando ello, las ventajas de la democracia constitucional liberal por sobre las alternativas de la democracia social del tipo visto en Escandinavia, y la burocracia autoritaria del tipo visto en algunas partes de Asia, no son tan evidentes. Tan solo en Asia, la gama de alternativas a la democracia constitucional liberal van desde la no-democracia no-liberal en China, un gobierno liberal unipartidario en Japón, la democracia constitucional no-liberal en Singapur, la no-democracia constitucional liberal en Hong Kong, y la monarquía hereditaria en Bután.